By Steven Greenhut

SACRAMENTO — Before Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker became a recall target for his efforts to reform collective bargaining in his state, I was a guest on a Madison radio show discussing the influence of public-sector unions and the significance of the state’s unfunded pension liabilities.

Instead of “Wisconsin Nice” — a euphemism for the polite, conflict-avoiding nature of Badger State culture — I faced a torrent of angry callers who accused union critics of trying to destroy the quality of life for working people. I asked one caller: What do we do about unfunded liabilities, those debts that current pension promises place on future generations?

“I won’t answer your question,” he said, refusing to dignify this perfectly reasonable question with a response.

The radio show was a preview of what was to come in Wisconsin — a season of angry diatribes, militant union marches, not-so-nice attacks on a governor who, after all, has done nothing more than reform a debt-laden system and has actually saved union jobs and saved unions.

Rather than engage the issues, the Left has chosen to echo the approach taken by callers to that radio show – stomp their feet, yell and scream and absolutely, positively refuse to provide an alternative path.

There’s something bizarre in all this, a reminder that the once-proud movement of working people has morphed into an upper-middle-class movement of coddled public employees who do not care about debt levels and eroded public services. They have their gold-plated pensions, and no one had better touch them or else.

Progressives used to pride themselves on their desire to help the poor, but in Wisconsin these days they’d rather throw the poor under the bus — a public bus, of course, with a union driver — to protect the relatively wealthy class of workers who administer government programs. So we’ve watched the antics – legislative Democrats heading to Illinois to deny the governor a quorum for his budget vote; truckloads of union activists and boatloads of union money pouring into the state capital; attempts to portray Walker as someone who is destroying the state.

Wisconsin rebounding

But a funny thing happened on the way to the recall. Wisconsin’s economy is rebounding, its debt receding. The state is gaining jobs everywhere except in downtrodden Milwaukee, where Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Barrett serves as mayor, and where union control has its tightest grip.

At this late stage in the race, it’s purely a numbers game as both sides bring out the ground troops to get their voters to the polls.

Democrats will surely resurrect dead voters in Milwaukee, so I’m hoping that Walker’s margin of victory — poll late last week showed his lead at 5 to 7 points — is strong enough to exceed the expected margin of voter fraud.

Both sides are being careful, avoiding anything that might backfire.

For the pro-recall movement, that means desperately avoiding the central issue. For instance, the Barrett campaign website features a story on Walker’s supposed attack on hunting – yes, hunting – because of a privatization effort he is spearheading. Walker’s website isn’t too much better, as it focuses on crime problems in Milwaukee.

Many national pundits are focusing on the implications for the national presidential race, and on President Barack Obama’s chances of being re-elected. There are some clues in it, as national Democrats steadfastly avoid the state. But we all know that the Walker recall is a referendum on public-sector union reform.

One of the nation’s biggest problems involves public employees, their compensation levels and the degree to which their special privileges and demands are destroying public services and bankrupting cities, especially in California. Wisconsin is arguably an even more progressive state than California. It was the first state to allow public-sector workers to evolve into the equivalent of Teamsters.

But California has taken the matter much further than anywhere else in the nation.

California used to be the model for the nation in terms of public services. But without political competition, there has been no push-back as the unions grab more and more. No wonder the Golden State’s roads are crumbling, and our services are tarnished. The only answer from the union movement and their Democratic patrons, including Gov. Jerry Brown: higher taxes. The real question is whether Wisconsin voters want their state to turn into California but without the warm winters.

Collective bargaining

In particular, the Wisconsin governor recognized that collective bargaining is the core problem, in that it remains the key obstacle to improving public services through competition and truly progressive reform.

“The collective-bargaining component of Walker’s plan has yielded especially large financial dividends for school districts,” Christian Schneider of the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute wrote in City Journal magazine. Individual districts have saved millions of dollars because they can send their plans out to bid rather than buying from the union-monopoly health trust. That’s money they used to save teaching jobs.

Progressives should applaud; instead, they march on Madison. What phonies.

While California’s government is hopeless, we are seeing serious reforms at the municipal level, often spearheaded by progressive Democrats. San Jose Mayor Chuck Reed is promoting a pension reform initiative on Tuesday’s ballot, and he’s doing so with support from progressives in his city. Reed says there’s a big difference between union Democrats and progressive Democrats. The former are protecting one special interest group, and the latter have the public good in mind. It’s a compelling argument as we head into the final days of the Wisconsin recall.

If Walker wins, reform will spread across the country. If he loses, Wisconsin will head down the path of California or maybe even Greece, where rising debt, soaring taxes, a surly union movement and crumbling public services will be the order of the day. No wonder the recall movement wants to play on emotion rather than answer serious questions.

By Wayne Lusvardi

New York Times journalist Frank Rich once wrote about the spectacle that surrounded the recall of former California Gov. Gray Davis in 2003:

“Eastern snobs who airily condescended to the spectacle as merely another example of Left-coast madness just didn’t get it. As California goes so goes the nation. It’s Disneyland that prefigures the future, and the action-packed recall ride was nothing if not the apotheosis of the Magic Kingdom.  It was fun. It was instructive. And it set off a chain of unanticipated consequences whose full meaning will become apparent only with time.”

In 2003, former Gov. Gray Davis was facing a nearly $21.1 billion budget deficit, alongside the aftermath of the California Energy Crisis of 2001. California eventually had to issue a $15 billion general obligation bond authorized under Proposition 57 to pay off the budget deficit. It also ended up entering into long-term energy contracts to pay off $42 billion in unpaid bonds on old power plants mothballed to clean the air in 2001, which caused the resulting energy crisis.

Little did Rich know what he was writing about in 2003 might foreshadow the May 16, 2012 announcement that the Democratic National Committee (DNC) was pulling financial support from the effort to recall Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker.  This coincidentally came on the heels of Gov. Jerry Brown’s May 12 announcement that California’s budget deficit had ballooned out of control from about $9 billion in January to $16 billion in May.

Was it purely coincidental that these two events were near in time? We don’t know for sure. But Wisconsin public opinion polls showed a 9 percent gap in opinion polls had opened up between the DNC’s recall candidate and Gov. Walker.

Walker recall diminishes

All of a sudden Wisconsin had become Frank Rich’s Tomorrowland.  At one point in 2011, Calwatchdog.com managing editor John Seiler aptly asked: “Will Wisconsin Protests Come to California?”  But following the “law of unanticipated consequences” mentioned by Rich, what happened was the reverse: California’s budget deficit may have sunk any real chances of the Democratic Party to recall Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker.

When California voters passed Proposition 25 in Nov. 2010, the legislature was given the power to pass a budget with only a majority vote; little did they know what the consequence of that might be in Wisconsin. Writing in the Orange County Register on March 10, 2011, Daniel Weintraub stated: “Democrats are learning that a power they have long sought — to pass a budget with a majority vote — might not be the lever they thought it was going to be… With a Democrat in the governor’s office, that should make for easy sailing for a Democrat-driven budget plan.  But something very different is happening.”

What galvanized the Tea Party to take so many seats in Congressional races across the U.S. in 2010 was not only the issue of Obamacare.  It was also the prospect of other states having to pick up the cost to bail out California’s enormous budget deficit and debts. Did Wisconsin voters see “California coming and got scared” as James Brady once famously put it?  It sure looks like it.  Wisconsin finally found a function for all of California’s political dysfunction.