Brown was concerned that while there may be only one candidate officially running, there are often one or more write-in candidates running as well. 

“In the situation envisioned by this bill, potential write-in candidates would be excluded from participating in the election,” Brown wrote in the veto message. “That doesn’t seem consistent with democratic principles that call for choice and robust debate.” 

The bill was sponsored by Sen. Sharon Runner, R-Lancaster, who died earlier this month, ending a longtime battle with scleroderma. Runner was elected in a special election last year with 94.1 percent, with six write-in candidates splitting the remainder of votes.

The Runner election cost Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties almost $1.7 million total. Had it been signed into law, the Runner bill would have allowed Brown to cancel a special election and declare an officially unopposed candidate like Runner the winner.

Legislators have long looked for a way to ease the burden and costs of special elections on counties and voters. A CalWatchdog investigation earlier this year showed that counties have spend around $21.7 million on special elections replacing state lawmakers since 2013. 

Henry T. Perea left office early, giving the cost of a $500,000+ special election to Fresno County.

A bill that would have shifted the costs of most special elections away from the taxpayers and onto the outgoing legislator died in committee on Wednesday.

Since 2013, counties have spent around $21.7 million on special elections, according to a recent investigation by CalWatchdog. That total includes more than $500,000 last week in Fresno County to replace former assemblyman Henry T. Perea, a Fresno Democrat who stepped down late last year to take a position with the pharmaceutical industry.

Perea still has more than $800,000 in his campaign account after making thousands of dollars in political donations as he was leaving office. Asm. Jim Patterson, R-Fresno, had been floating the idea for his bill since January, which would have required lawmakers who leave office early, triggering a special election, to use campaign funds to pay for the special election.

The bill had certain safety valves, like medical or family emergencies, which would have allowed for an exception. And the bill would not have required legislators to use personal funds if their campaign account was empty. But the panel was unconvinced.

“Since I’m not sure if this is a true solution and it can be somewhat onerous on those individuals who have to resign or resign for various reasons and find us, once again, holding folks in office who should be moving on, it becomes a difficult one to do,” said Shirley Weber, the chair of the Elections and Redistricting Committee. The San Diego Democrat noted there were other options floating around, like one focusing on mail-in ballots.

Patterson said legislators make a “contract” with voters when they assume elected office and there should be a “consequence” to leaving early.

“There’s nothing wrong with seeking greener pastures,” Patterson said. “But there is something wrong with sticking the bill to residents, taxpayers and the counties.”

The right-leaning Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association spoke in support of the bill, as did Fresno County and Tulare County, which have spent at least $1.3 million and $167,127, respectively, on special elections since 2013.

No groups spoke in opposition on Wednesday.

Henry T. Perea’s decision to leave office early cost Fresno County at least a half million dollars.

Henry T. Perea’s decision to vacate his Assembly seat early cost Fresno County a half-million dollars — enough to pay for four sheriff deputies — and has reignited a discussion on the cost of special elections.

The Fresno Democrat announced last year that he’d be leaving the Assembly to pursue a position with the pharmaceutical industry.

In fact, counties are saddled with the cost of special elections regularly. And while they have become less frequent, at least temporarily, a CalWatchdog review of expenses shows that since 2013 counties (and one city) have spent $21.7 million on special elections to replace state lawmakers.

Few would decry a legislator stepping down if the officeholder or his or her family member fell ill. And of course sometimes scandals create a vacancy. But most of the time these seats are vacated by politicians looking to cash in with a high-paying lobbying position, trade up for higher office (perhaps to avoid being forced from office by term limits), which then creates a mad dash to fill the gaps behind them.

For example: In 2013, Curren Price created a vacancy in the state Senate when he won a seat on the Los Angeles City Council, which are elected in odd-numbered years. Holly Mitchell then won Price’s seat in a special election, leaving a vacancy in the Assembly. That vacancy was filled by the current occupant, Asm. Sebastian Ridley-Thomas.

That game of musical chairs cost Los Angeles County $2.4 million. And had Ridley-Thomas and Mitchell not one outright in their respective primaries, forcing a run-off, the cost for the overall costs for the special election would have approximately doubled.

Nonpartisan

Price, Ridley-Thomas and Mitchell are all Democrats, but Republicans do it too. In 2014, Mimi Walters won a seat in Congress in an open Orange County district after former Rep. John Campbell retired.

After winning, she vacated her state Senate seat, which was filled by now-Sen. John Moorlach, costing the county $1.24 million.

One approach

On Wednesday, an Assembly panel will consider a proposal from Asm. Jim Patterson, R-Fresno, which would require that legislators use leftover campaign funds to pay down the cost of the special election they’ve caused, leaving exceptions for health and family reasons.

Perea still has more than $800,000 according to the campaign finance filings from the end of 2015. Instead of giving money to Fresno County, which is allowable under state law, Perea made some political contributions and paid for a few holiday parties.

Other ideas

A measure by Sen. Andy Vidak, R-Hanford, was approved by one panel earlier this month. The bill would require the state to reimburse for the entire cost of the special election for vacancies of state lawmakers. The state used to contribute to the cost of special elections, but has since ceased the practice.

“Fresno County was forced to hold a special election today to fill a vacant Assembly seat, which is costing the county more than a half- million dollars,” Vidak said in a statement last week following the election to replace Perea. “That’s money that could have been used for police, fire, health, education and other vital services.”

Others have suggested the governor appoint a replacement to serve until the next scheduled election. But critics claim that gives the unfair advantage of incumbency to a replacement if he or she decides to run for another term, and gives the governor too much political power.

“Sure, it’s a tradeoff,” said Raphael Sonenshein, the executive director of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs at California State University Los Angeles, noting that if the seat is held only until the next scheduled election then no one would hold the seat for more than two years. “Special elections have very low turnout. It’s at least arguably a budget savings and one less election.”

Turnout

Voter turnout is a persistent issue in California. Some argue that the abundance of special elections contributes to the problem. Most of the special elections have even lower turnout.

In 2013 in Los Angeles, 23 percent of voters turned out for the regularly-scheduled city elections when Price was elected. Later that year, only 5.55 percent of voters turned out to elect Mitchell to the state Senate and then 8.47 percent turned out to elect Ridley-Thomas to the Assembly.

In 2014, the regularly-scheduled gubernatorial election that sent Mimi Walters to Congress drew about 43 percent of voters, while John Moorlach was elected to the state Senate only a few months later with only a 15.42 percent turnout.

Kathay Feng, the executive director of the left-leaning good government group California Common Cause, suggests moving all local elections to the normal presidential and midterm/gubernatorial voting schedule — and during the vacancy, until a successor is elected, the seat could either stay unoccupied or a “caretaker” could be appointed.

“Will a group of people be unrepresented for a short period of time? Potentially.” Feng told CalWatchdog. “But this is insane to elect people by five or six percent of the population and still call it a democracy.”

Cost

The money that is spent on special elections goes to things like: printing ballots, hiring poll workers, securing locations, paying for postage and producing vote by mail ballots. 

Many special elections are unbudgeted and all are unplanned and sometimes they overlap. According to Dean Logan, the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk, it can be particularly taxing on the county registrar and confusing for voters who could be receiving election packets from the city they live in and then the county a few weeks later, like Los Angeles residents in 2013.

Logan did not advocate a particular path forward, as it’s not his role as registrar. However, he has at least raised questions over the current process and the drain on resources since at least 2010.

“And we already have a crisis of participation even in our regular election cycles, but the turnout in these special vacancy elections is extremely low,” Logan told CalWatchdog.

Term-limits

Some argue that the 2012 modification of term limits, which allowed legislators to spend more time in each chamber, may reduce the number of special elections. While the change hasn’t been around long enough to say for sure, there has been a reduction in special elections since it was passed.

There were 12 special elections (including primary and general/run-off) in 2013, two in 2014, four in 2015 and only one so far this year.

The bill would require any legislator who triggers a special election to use campaign funds to pay for the special election, and any leftovers would be donated to charity. Certain instances, like medical or family emergencies, could allow for an exception.

Asm. Jim Patterson, R-Fresno, introduced the bill in response to a constituent’s concern following the resignation late last year of former Asm. Henry T. Perea, who stepped down to take a job lobbying for the pharmaceutical industry.

Where The Money Goes

Henry Perea

The special election to replace Perea, a Fresno Democrat, is estimated to cost taxpayers as much as $675,000, according to the Fresno Bee, while Perea still had $800,000 in his campaign account as of the most recent filing.

Existing law allows for legislators to put campaign funds towards the cost of the special election, but does not require it.

Instead of giving money back to the county after announcing his resignation on Dec. 1, Perea gave $35,200 to the California Democratic Party; $2,000 to Asm. Cheryl R. Brown, D-San Bernardino; and $2,000 to Asm. Mike A. Gipson, D-Carson.

Perea also paid $750 for a holiday luncheon for 13 staff members and himself. A few days later he paid $186.35 for another holiday lunch for himself and six staffers. But as of the year-end campaign finance filing, no money went to the county to help pay for the election on April 5.

When drafting the legislation, Patterson also had in mind former state Sen. Michael Rubio, a Bakersfield Democrat, who stepped down from office in 2013 for a government affairs position with Chevron Corp. On his way out the door, Rubio made several contributions to other lawmakers, including $5,000 to Perea.